Archive for the ‘Palestine’ Category

Action Alert: Palestinian Declaration

January 19, 2014

PLEASE SIGN THIS DECLARATION IF YOU AGREE WITH ITS CONTENTS:  (send Hahida Izzat  your name and country if you approve)

Palestinian Declaration

An invitation to ALL Palestinians and their supporters to unite under the banner of LIBERATION, affirming our alienable rights and clarifying our aims and aspirations to ourselves and to the world
For the sake of historical truth, and for defending, preserving and protecting the rights of future Palestinian children, we present this document:
  • Whereas, no foreign government, international institution or individual, has any form of legitimacy or jurisdiction to dispossess any other Nation by distributing their land and property,
  • Whereas, all colonial dealings regarding Palestine, whether by the “League of Nations” or the subsequent land confiscations by British colonial forces, as well as coerced transactions by early Zionists, did not invalidate the irrefutable fact that Palestine is the sole indigenous representative of all people of Palestine, settled and anchored culturally to the land since time immemorial,
  • Whereas, the religious component of Palestine’s cultural heritage is the central heritage for 31% of people who are Christians, 23 % who are Muslims, and  0.2 % who are Jews. Therefore, Jewish Zionists arguably attempted to usurp and destroy the heritage of almost 55% of humankind, namely Christians and Muslims, contrary to historical Palestinian society, known for its social cohesion, irrespective of religion, and for protecting all monuments and all worshipers of all faiths, prior to the Jewish-zionist invasion,
  • Whereas, we the Palestinian Nation, the sole indigenous people of historic Palestine, had neither been consulted with, nor did we agree to or undersign any partition of our homeland, Palestine, when the UN put partition to the vote in the General Assembly in 1948. The UN has never done so again,
  • Whereas, the UN General Assembly adopted resolution (181) recommending the adoption and implementation of the Partition Plan, allocating to “Israel” a defined area significantly smaller than the areas was overridden by Zionist Terror groups such as Irgun and Haganah, using ethnic cleansing, genocidal massacres, and massive destruction of over 530 Biblical villages and cities in the spring of 1948,
  • Whereas, the admission of “Israel” to the UN was conditional on its implementation of Resolutions 194, i.e., ceasing aggression and allowing the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties, as well as implementing Resolution 181 of the partition plan, (which Israel did not commit itself to any specific action or timeframe, and later rejected the resolutions all together),
  • Whereas, the decision to partition Palestine was never passed through the UN Security Council, which renders it non-binding, (serving only as advisory),
  • Whereas, Zionism, as materialised and manifested by the Jewish state of “Israel”, is a colonial settler ideology, advocating the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and confiscating their properties, abrogating their basic rights, and establishing an exclusive Jewish state in Historic Palestine,
  • Whereas, seven decades on, Jewish-Zionist terrorism, massacres, torture, imprisonment of civilian populations, torture of children, collective punishment, theft, land robbery, destruction of cultural heritage, ethnic cleansing, and slow-motion genocide, have only intensified,
  • Whereas, their offspring have had a full century (since the beginning of the first Jewish-Zionist invasion) to learn to coexist peacefully; yet they, along with the new-comers, choose to continue on the same path of aggression, oppression, exclusivity, and racism,
  • Whereas, the vast majority of Palestinians have been living in forced exile, forbidden to exercise their basic Human Right of Returning to their homes in their own homeland, and denied their basic human right of holding their National Identity,
  • Whereas, the entire humanity has the moral maturity which makes it unacceptable to acquire land and property by wars of conquest and aggression,
  • Whereas, we the Palestinian Nation have been victims of almost one century of insanely sadistic cruelty, assassinations of pregnant mothers, torture of children, psycho-terror, loss of land, loss of peace, security and independence, loss of health, destruction of our architectural and archeological cultural heritage, loss of collective and personal property, loss of economic means (i.e. loss of earning and sustenance), all at the hands and policies of a foreign and psychopathic body of Jewish Zionist terrorists and their international network of accomplices, for more than seven decades,
  • Whereas, myriads of Jewish-Zionist funds and foundations continue to raise and collect sums in the billions from international Jewish communities, to finance (either overtly or covertly) the destruction of our nation and our homeland, by means of a full spectrum destruction, be it genocide, be it destruction of landscape, be it destruction of architectural and cultural heritage, be it imprisonment and torture of children, be it systematic programs of assassination of social and political leader, be it use of toxic weapons,
  • Whereas, calling “Israel” a mere apartheid system which could be “fixed” with some cosmetic arrangements, such as granting Palestinians “Israeli” citizenship to “upgrade” their status from “occupied” to “slaves” in their own homeland, and demanding marginal improvement of the treatment of Palestinians, does not constitute in any form or shape a realistic approach enabling a viable project wherein even the most elementary basis of Justice could be established,
  • Whereas, participating in absolving individuals guilty of Crimes Against Humanity and other ongoing crimes since over seven decades, and whitewashing these crimes, is not only a betrayal to all things human and moral, but also is the fertile ground for justifying future repetition and amplification of such crimes,
For those reasons, we hereby, the undersigned Palestinians and our supporters affirm the following:
Palestine is located from the Mediterranean Sea to the River Jordan and cannot be divided, leased, given away or sold.
Palestinians, whether living in any part of historic Palestine or in forced exile, are one people and shall not be divided.
The Palestinian Nation is the only one owning the land of Palestine, with the human right of full and unrestrained sovereignty over our historic land, Palestine.
That the “Nakba” with its massacres and daily atrocities, continues to this day, beginning with the forceful uprooting of our people by terror organizations such as Irgun and Haganah in 1948. The lapse of time since the beginning or this “Nakba” (the word means “catastrophe”) does not diminish our inalienable rights in Palestine, including the inalienable right to return to our homes and properties, and to participate in the re-building and development of our society and its institutions, and adopt any political, economic and Judicial system we Palestinians would chose.
Our people inside and outside of Palestine form one Nation, and yearn for their reunification in their ancestral homeland, Palestine. Contrary to the defamation we have been subjected to, we have always been an extremely tolerant nation, and we yearn to restore this quality to our land and country, for the benefit of all humankind, irrespective of religion or cultural origin.
We Palestinians, just as any other nation under attack and occupied, have the ultimate and unabridged right to define our aims, choose our strategy and tactics of resistance suitable for achieving our liberation from our oppressor, and the reinstatement of our rights, and establishing diplomatic and commercial relations with neighboring countries and beyond.
Palestinians have the moral and legal right to pursue the legal prosecution of the usurpers and destroyers of our land within the recognized international laws.
It is ominously dangerous for everyone’s security, to refuse to prosecute perpetrators of terrorism, crimes against humanity, atrocities, and the systematic fomenting of wars and racial and religious hatred. It is ominously dangerous to step back from such prosecution under the ludicrous grounds that the perpetrators would merit leniency on grounds of being Jewish.
Only the Palestinian people through our legitimate institutions and elected representatives can speak for our rights and aspirations.
No organization, party, group or individual is empowered to cede our rights to historic Palestine. In fact, we explicitly express here our intention, as soon as we recover our rights, to prosecute anyone who engaged or attempted to cede land and rights without having any mandate to do so.
Only the Palestinian people gathered in Palestine and in exile can determine their future and the future of the country.
We the signatories of this document, call for either the creation of a new Liberation Party, or the rejuvenation of the PLO, as the only recognized and accepted legitimate organization of the Palestinian people. Such an organization must be strengthened to unify the people and their capabilities, in order to be justified to speak on their behalf, and structure our fight for liberation.
This party, (whether the PLO or otherwise), must unambiguously stand for, and implement a program for liberation of all of Palestine. It must be democratic, accountable, transparent and truly representative of the entire spectrum of the Palestinian Nation.
The aims and aspirations of Palestinians are not confined to a symbolic change of “Zionist regime” or a declaration of abandonment of Zionism by the Jewish-Zionist occupiers, but rather to the FULL liberation of Palestine and the restoration of all our inalienable rights
We call for a just and peaceful solution; we acknowledge that the only real road to peace is the full and unconditional liberation of Palestine, (which also means liberation from the supremacist ideology that is imposing its cruel occupation) and liberation from the racist Jewish-Zionist experiment, Liberation from the violence of colonizers and liberation from the perpetrators. That will inevitably mean a return to the original, peaceful society Palestine was before the Zionist invasion, albeit embracing all technological and societal developments. Our true and sincere aspirations are long lasting peace, justice and freedom.
We believe that restoring Palestine for all its people will lay out the true foundations of Palestinian society, and inscribe us harmoniously in the international community, contrary to the present day occupation entity, “Israel,” which is the root cause of so many difficulties and excesses in the world community, whether in the UN or elsewhere, where “Israel” and its multinational lobby groups are fomenting wars and racial-religious friction, making international cooperation extremely difficult.
As Palestinians, we are grateful and appreciative of the hard work of all our supporters; however, we are under no obligation to hold back our march for freedom, to curtail our aims or to abandon our rights for the sake of accommodating and not offending some of the Jewish supporters who still believe that “Israel” has the right to exist as a Jewish state inside the 1948 borders.
Palestinians have the ultimate right to choose their vision for their future, of a free Palestine, including the type of government, writing of our constitution, constructing and implementing legal and systems, all of which stems from and corresponds to our ethics and reflects and protects our culture.
A Palestinian legal team of professionals and advisors must be established to prepare the legal framework and procedures, upon which laws of immigration and citizenship are defined, on the basis of which Palestinian citizenship are granted, including defining who has a Right to Remain in liberated Palestine, depending on the place of birth and providing s/he is able to respect Palestinian law, and adopt a conduct respective of the community around.
All Palestinian refugees and their descendants have the unconditional right to come back home; we, the rightful indigenous owners are also entitled to the reinstatement of ALL confiscated (stolen) land and property, compensation for all our losses over the many years of exile, and we are also entitled to Palestinian citizenship wherever we are.
We Palestinians have not given up before, and have no intention to give up now. We will continue to pursue the course of JUSTICE and LIBERATION by all means deemed necessary and appropriate, by upholding universal humanist ethics, within the frame of International Law.

Thus, our vision for a just and peaceful settlement entails:

REVOKING ISRAEL’S UN MEMBERSHIP:
The settler/colonial occupation is in breach of all foundational UN Charters, and has violated and defied more UN resolutions and charter principles than any other country. This illegitimate entity has none of the qualifications necessary, neither moral nor legal nor political, required to obtain and maintain UN membership. Its current membership represents a mockery of international law, and is a disgrace to humanity. Israel’s UN membership should have never been granted in the first place. The revocation of Israel’s UN membership is a necessity, as a step towards the rehabilitation of the already-battered framework of International Law. Concurrently, all of Israel’s institutions, laws, policies and practices must be abolished, since they discriminate against people based on religion and ethnicity.
FULL LIBERATION of HISTORIC PALESTINE:
Palestine, known as “The Holy Land”, must be free from racist atrocities. Contrary to all failed attempts, road-maps and fake negotiations which serve as dilatory measure enabling more land grabs and atrocities, the concept of full liberation and full sovereignty for Palestinians carries only advantages; including the ability to prosecute them for crimes against humanity. To bring reason to the Holy Land, it is necessary to first recognize the fact that the Jewish-Zionist occupation is the sole reason there is strife in this land in the first place, and secondly, it is necessary to look back at the status pro ante, to discover that a liberated Palestine whose institutions will inevitably reflect Palestinian culture and social fabric, will be endlessly more apt to be a good standing member of the UN, and a good neighbor and partner to the world.
FULL SOVEREIGNTY of the Palestinian Nation over their ancestral country:
The Palestinian Nation has like any other nation has the aspiration and the right to select a political system, to adopt a constitution and re-construct the country. For the sake of international peace and security, it is time to return Palestine to its peaceful owners.
PROSECUTION OF WAR CRIMINALS:
A Palestinian judiciary and immigration system, will respectively prosecute former Israeli criminals and their associates, and/or grant or decline (on an individual basis), a Right to Remain in Palestine, based on criteria solely to be defined by said Immigration and Integration Services. This system should be put into place immediately.
RETURN, RESTITUTION and COMPENSATIONS:
Palestinian refugees have the unconditional Right of Return. Palestine and the Palestinian Nation at large, are entitled to full and unconditional restitution of the land and property whenever possible, coupled with appropriate compensation for more than seven decades of deprivation and slow genocide, cultural destruction, and a whole array of atrocities and usurpation.
PALESTINIAN CITIZENSHIP and NATURALISATION:
In the future democratic state of Palestine situated from the Mediterranean Sea to the River Jordan, Palestinians are the rightful citizens. Palestinians include those who live in the occupied homeland, and include all refugees living abroad and their descendants, all those have unrestricted right to Palestinian citizenship. For former Jewish Israelis, plans should be set on course to grant or decline on an individual basis a right to remain, based on criteria defined by an Immigration and Integration Service. Such criteria could take into consideration place of birth and the irrefutable proof of non-participation in the former Israeli occupation apparatus and its crimes, and the demonstration during a certain period, of the candidate’s ability and willingness to be law-abiding; respecting land, culture and his/her compatriots irrespective of religion or race. Subsequently the right to remain would be followed by unrestricted Palestinian citizenship, with equal rights. The whole procedure would be within the future framework of Palestinian Laws of Immigration and Naturalization. Undoubtedly, Palestinian immigration policies will adhere to international norms.
We hereby, call upon our friends and supporters -who hold the tragedy of Palestine, the dispossession of Palestinians of their own ancestral land dear at their heart-, to reflect upon the meaning of justice in the context of a history saturated with war crimes and crimes against humanity.
We consider any negotiations that do not lead to implementing the above as null and void. Also, we consider any and all individuals and institutions that do not adhere to our call as illegitimate representatives of our people and rights.
Thus, we call upon our people and institutions to rally behind this APPEAL and to work diligently to implement it.
We, also call upon our friends and supporters to join us in our declaration and our endeavors.
Furthermore, we call upon Jewish organizations and individuals, to take their responsibility seriously, we invite them to actively participate in restoring justice, righting the wrong, and facilitating the peaceful resolve of this chronic injustice by engaging positively, effectively and wholeheartedly to bring real change of “facts on the ground”, thus offering a remedy for healing of the Holy Land and its people, once and for all.
Moreover, we suggest they create a new Jewish fund, with agreement of every donor, to support the full and unconditional liberation in an effort to begin the lengthy process for Restitution, Reparation and Compensation for the Palestinians. A long overdue process, that will inevitably erase the seven decades long and ongoing Jewish crimes against the land of Palestine and its indigenous people.
LET US UNITE TO STOP THE MACHINE
LET US UNITE TO STOP THE SELL OUT

Signatures:

1) Nahida Izzat (AKA Exiled Palestinian) ………    Al-Quds/ Palestine
2) Mariam George ………………….. Palestine
3) Nadia Gheith ………………….. Palestine
4) Ibsal Assi Assi ………………….. Palestine
5) Ibtisam  Harb (Ibti Smile)………………….. Palestine
6) Abed Nakhleh
7) Peter Alan Foley ……………………………UK
8) Daniel Dewulf
9) Tanya Mango
10) Robert Elias Abu Shanab
11) Steven Wertheim
12) Deema Ash
13) Shawn Ryan
14) Ivan Maffei
15) Marlene Newesri
16) Rahma Yassin
17) Roger Tucker     ……………………….. Mexico
18)  Jacqueline Conway
19) Gennifer Hope
20) Aliyah Rehman ……………………………UK
21) Daniel john Morgan ……………………………UK
22) Sofia Rehman ……………………………UK
23) Mazhar Rehman……………………………UK
24) Ian Ligertwood  ……………………………UK
25) Hassan Al Nimer ………………………….. Palestine
26) Mick Breen
27) Greta Berlin
28) Amaneh Margaret Brown
29) Raya Jaser ………………………Palestine
30) Aman Syr
31) Redaa Ameeroedien
32) Abdool Karrimbaccus Subratty
33) Lothar Jung
34) Brian Edouard Curdy
35) Sri Utami
36) Indo Alam
37)  Dean Sofić
38)  Reem Ghaith
39) Bader Yousef
40) Maria Rita Pirastu
41) Michel Iffrig
42) Maher Azzam  ………………….. Palestine
43) Wim Wimman
44) Sana Amawai……. Yaffa/ Palestine
45) Roohi Aamir Noor Khan
46) Greta Berlin
47) Samira Ahmad

Weekly Report on Israel’s terrorism against the State of Palestine

April 12, 2013

PCHR Weekly Report: 11 civilians wounded, 59 abducted; 350 trees cut by Israeli troops this week

 Friday April 12, 2013 01:06 by PCHR-Gaza  http://imemc.org/article/65319

In its Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories for the week of 04- 10 April 2013, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) found that Israeli forces continued to use excessive force against peaceful protesters, wounding 11.

Young protester abducted by Israeli undercover unit during protest in Al-Eesawiya village (PCHR photo)
Young protester abducted by Israeli undercover unit during protest in Al-Eesawiya village (PCHR photo)

In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces continued to open fire at Palestinian fishing boats, restricting the permitted fishing area to 3 nautical miles instead of the 6 nautical mile limit that was agreed in the ceasefire agreement reached between Israel and Palestinian armed groups in November 2012.

A photographer for the Popular Resistance Movement against the Annexation Wall and Settlements in al-Nabi Saleh village sustained burns to his face. 10 Palestinian civilians, including 3 children and 1 woman, were abducted during protests in support of prisoners in the Israeli jails.

Israeli attacks in the West Bank:

Israeli forces conducted 78 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. 55 Palestinian civilians, including 8 children, were abducted during those incursions. Among the abducted was the former prisoner, Tha’er Halahla.

During the reporting period, Israeli forces wounded 11 Palestinian civilians, including 3 children and a woman, in the West Bank. They were all wounded during peaceful protests organised by Palestinian civilians against the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities and in support of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.

Israeli forces established dozens of checkpoints in the West Bank. 4 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, were abducted at checkpoints.

Israeli attacks in the Gaza Strip:

In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence continued to open fire. On 06 April 2013, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Yunis, in the south of the Gaza Strip, opened fire at houses and agricultural lands in al-Qarara village and around al-Sreij gate. No casualties were reported.

Israeli forces continued to chase fishermen at sea. On 08 April 2013, Israeli gunboats stationed off the coast of al-Waha resort, northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats that were sailing 2 nautical miles offshore. As a result, the fishermen returned to shore, fearing that they would be wounded or abducted. Neither casualties nor material damage were reported. A similar incident occurred on 10 April 2013.

It should be noted that, on Thursday, 21 March 2013, Israeli forces announced that the nautical mile limit would be reduced from 6 to 3 nautical miles. Israeli forces had permitted fishermen to sail up to 6 nautical miles offshore following the ceasefire agreement between Israel and Palestinian armed groups in November 2012.

Israeli forces continued to open fire in the border area in the Gaza Strip. Israeli forces opened fire at houses and agricultural lands in al-Qarara village, in the south of the Gaza Strip.

Israel has continued to impose a total closure and has isolated the Gaza Strip from the outside world. During the reporting period, Israeli forces completely closed the commercial border crossings between the Gaza Strip and Israel. They closed Karm Abu Salem crossing for 4 consecutive days because of Jewish holidays. This closure negatively affected the entry of goods, construction materials and medical consignments in the Gaza Strip. It also had a negative impact on the living conditions of Palestinian civilians.

Israeli forces also imposed comprehensive security restrictions due to the Jewish holiday of Passover. As a result, thousands of Palestinian workers were denied access to their work in Israel and occupied East Jerusalem. Moreover, Palestinian traders were denied access to Israel and/or travel via the border crossings between the Gaza Strip and West Bank.

Israeli settlement activities:

Israeli forces have continued to support settlement activities in the West Bank, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.

On Saturday, 06 April 2013, a unit of Israeli soldiers, accompanied by three military vehicles, raided agricultural lands surrounding the Um Akhwas area, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The soldiers were deployed in the area and prohibited Palestinian farmers and shepherds from working on the land, declaring that the land had been confiscated. The soldiers ordered the farmers and shepherds to leave the area and declared it a closed military zone. When the farmers and shepherds refused to leave their lands, the Israeli soldiers assaulted them, beat them severely and attempted to arrest some of them, but international peace activists intervened and stopped them.

On Sunday, 07 April 2013, a group of settlers from “Tekoa” settlement, established southwest of Taqou’ village, southeast of Bethlehem, raided the afore-mentioned village. The settlers wrote “Paying the Price” and drew the Star of David on Bilal Bin Rabah mosque and Salah al-Din al-Ayouby mosque in al-‘Amour neighbourhood, in the south of the village. In his testimony to a PCHR fieldworker, Mohammed al-Badan, Head of the Youth Council in the village, said that the settlers damaged the car tyres of vehicles.

On Tuesday, 09 April 2013, a group of settlers, from “Ramat Yishai” settlement outpost, established on land belonging to Palestinian civilians in Tal al-Remyda area, central Hebron, confiscated a tract of land belonging to a 48-year old man, extended an agricultural irrigation system and supplied it with water through the afore-mentioned settlement outpost, and planted it with vegetable seeds.

On Tuesday, 09 April 2013, Israeli forces, accompanied by a vehicle of the Planning and Building Department in the Israeli Civil Administration, raided al-Dirat area, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. They presented a 42-year old man with a notice ordering him to halt construction work on a tin structure, built on a 100 square metre area, which was being used as a barn for cattle, under the pretext that it had been built without first obtaining a permit from the Israeli authorities.

On Tuesday, 09 April 2013, Israeli forces, accompanied by a vehicle of the Israeli Civil Administration and a truck, raided the Emdimna area, located between al-Thaherya and al-Ramadeen villages, south of Hebron. Israeli soldiers were deployed in the farmlands and cut down 100 olive trees and 250 almond trees, which were 5 years old, with saws, confiscated them and loaded them into the truck.

Also on Tuesday, Israeli forces, accompanied by a number of military vehicles, a bulldozer, and a vehicle of the Planning and Building Department in the Israeli Civil Administration, raided al-Dirat area, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. They bulldozed a 70-cubic-metre water well, belonging to a 45-year old man, claiming that he had not obtained a permit.

On Wednesday morning, 10 April 2013, Israeli forces, accompanied by an officer of the Israeli Civil Administration, raided the Um Hadida area, east of Nahalin village, southwest of Bethlehem, and placed notices on the lands of two Palestinian civilians, aged 60 and 71. The notices ordered them to evacuate their 3 dunums of land.

Also on Wednesday, Israeli forces, accompanied by a vehicle of the Israeli Civil Administration, raided the Kherbat Qalqas area, south of Hebron. The Civil Administration officer presented a 48-year old man with a demolition notice for his family residence, under the pretext that it had been built without a permit. The 2-storey house was built established on an area of 200 square metres and shelters his family of 11 people.

Israeli attacks on non-violent demonstrations:

In the West Bank, in an example of the systematic use of excessive force against peaceful protests organised by Palestinian, Israeli, and international activists against the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities in the West Bank, Israeli forces wounded Belal Abdul Salam Hassan al-Tamimi, 47, when they sprayed pepper spray in his face. It should be noted that al-Tamimi is a photographer for the Popular Resistance Movement against the Annexation Wall and Settlements in al-Nabi Saleh village. Many more civilians suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises.

Palestinian civilians organised many peaceful protests in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, especially those on hunger strike. Israeli forces used excessive force against the protesters; as a result, 10 civilians, including 3 children and 1 woman, were wounded. In addition, many civilians suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises.

On 04 April 2013, an 18-year-old man was wounded by a bullet to the right cheek during a peaceful protest near the annexation wall in the southern part of Beit Luqia village, southwest of Ramallah. In addition, 2 children were wounded in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, during a similar protest in the Um Rokba area at the southwestern entrance of the village.

On 05 April 2013, a 16-year-old boy was wounded by a plastic-coated bullet to the back of the head during a protest organised at the southern entrance of al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of Ramallah. In addition, 1 child was wounded in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, during a similar protest in the Um Rokba area at the southwestern entrance of the village.

At approximately 12:00 on Friday, 05 April 2013, dozens of Palestinian civilians, activists with the Popular Committees against Settlement Activity and the Hebron Defence Committee, and international human rights activists gathered in al-Haraiek area, southeast of Hebron, for a peaceful demonstration calling for the route linking Hebron to its southern villages to be reopened; it has been closed for the past 12 years. These villages are al-Rayhia, al-Thaheria, Doura, and al-Fawar Refugee Camp. Upon arrival at the steel gate which blocks the road leading to Bypass Road 60, Israeli forces surrounded the area and declared it a closed military zone, ordering the demonstrators to leave immediately. The soldiers fired tear gas canisters and sound bombs at the demonstration. A number of protesters fainted as a result of tear gas inhalation.

Friday protests were also held in the towns of Bil’in, Naileen, Nabi Saleh (where a 45-year old photographer sustained burns in the face after being sprayed with pepper spray), Al Masara and Kafr Kaddoum.

On 06 April 2013, a 45-year-old woman was wounded by a plastic-coated bullet to the back while she was standing in front of her house in the Um Rokba area at the southwestern entrance of al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem.

On 07 April 2013, a 17-year-old boy was hit by a tear gas canister to the head during a peaceful protest in the Um Rokba area, south of Bethlehem. On the same day, an 11-year-old boy was wounded by a bullet to the right side of his face during a protest organised at the northern entrance of Ayda refugee camp, north of Bethlehem.

On 09 April 2013, an 18-year-old boy was wounded by a bullet to the right leg, while an 11-year-old boy was wounded by a bullet to the left side of his head during a protest organised at the northern entrance of Ayda refugee camp, north of Bethlehem.

Recommendations to the international community:

Due to the number and severity of Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians this week, the PCHR made several recommendations to the international community. Among these was a recommendation that the United Nations provide international protection to Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and to ensure the non-recurrence of aggression against the Occupied Palestinian Territories, especially the Gaza Strip.

In addition, the PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to compel Israel, as a High Contracting Party to the Conventions, to apply the Conventions in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

For the full text of the report, click on the link below:

http://www.pchrgaza.org/portal/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=9411:weekly-report-on-israeli-human-rights-violations-in-the-occupied-palestinian-territory-04-10-april-2013&catid=84:weekly-2009&Itemid=183

 

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Palestinians mark 65th anniversary of Deir Yassin massacre

April 10, 2013
 Tuesday April 09, 2013 22:50 by IMEMC News Staff  

In Palestine and around the world on Tuesday, Palestinians and their supporters held vigils and events to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the massacre of over one hundred Palestinian civilians in Deir Yassin village, in what is now Israel.

Deir Yassin massacre (image from Palestine Solidarity Project)
Deir Yassin massacre (image from Palestine Solidarity Project)
April 9th, 1948 marks the date of one of a number of massacres committed by Jewish militia members trying to establish the Israeli state on Palestinian land. The massacre created an atmosphere of terror, that led many more towns and villages of Palestinians to flee from their homes.

The Alternative Information Center in Bethlehem describes the Deir Yassin massacre as follows: Early in the morning of April 9, 1948, commandos of the Irgun (headed by Menachem Begin) and the Stern Gang attacked Deir Yassin, a village of some 750 Palestinian residents. The village lay outside of the area to be assigned by the United Nations to the Jewish State; it had a peaceful reputation. But it was located on high ground in the corridor between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Deir Yassin was slated for occupation under Plan Dalet and the mainstream Jewish defense force, the Haganah, authorized the irregular terrorist forces of the Irgun and the Stern Gang to perform the takeover. In all over 100 Palestinian men, women, and children were systematically murdered.

Joseph Weitz, the founder of the Jewish National Fund (which owns the vast majority of land in what is now Israel, wrote in 1940 that Plan Dalet should consist of the following: “Mounting operations against enemy population centres located inside or near our defensive system in order to prevent them from being used as bases by an active armed force. These operations can be divided into the following categories: Destruction of villages – setting fire to, blowing up, and planting mines in the debris – especially those population centres which are difficult to control continuously; Mounting search and control operations according to the following guidelines: encirclement of the village and conducting a search inside it. In the event of resistance, the armed force must be destroyed and the population must be expelled outside the borders of the state.”

Dina Elmuti, whose grandmother was a child at the time living in Deir Yassin, and survived the massacre, wrote in an article today on The Electronic Intifada, “Fathers, grandfathers, brothers and sons were lined up against a wall and sprayed with bullets, execution style. Beloved teachers were savagely mutilated with knives. Mothers and sisters were taken hostage and those who survived returned to find pools of blood filling the streets of the village and children stripped of their childhoods overnight.

“The walls of homes, which once stood witness to warmth, laughter and joy, were splattered with the blood and imprints of traumatic memories. My grandmother lost 37 members of her family that day. These are not stories you will read about in most history books.”

Israeli historian Ilan Pappe has documented the destruction of over 450 Palestinian villages between 1947 and 1949, and the forced displacement of over 750,000 Palestinian people from their homes in what is now Israel

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

The right of return is a core issue for Palestinians ; let’s realize it

April 7, 2013

 

4 April 2013

130404-right-of-return.jpg

Realizing the right of return requires a transition from remembrance to action.

(Ali Jadallah / APA images)

This weekend a group of area students including myself will be hosting a groundbreaking conference at Boston University addressing the complex realities of the implementation of the Palestinian refugees’ Right of Return. The goal of this conference is to shape a new narrative that is focused on how to bring about return from a practical standpoint.

“I do not accept the version that [we] should encourage their [the Palestinians’] return … we should prevent their return … we must settle Jaffa, Jaffa will become a Jewish city… we must prevent at all costs their return” is what David Ben Gurion, first Prime Minister of Israel, proclaimed after the establishment of the state on Palestinian land in May 1948.

Israel was in fact born after a deliberate Zionist campaign to clear the area of its native inhabitants which resulted in the expulsion of approximately 700,000 Palestinians from their homes and land that they had nurtured, farmed and lived on for hundreds of years. These events are now known by Palestinians the world over as the “Nakba” or “catastrophe” of 1948, and for them, Ben Gurion’s words carry a tragic meaning.

Legacy and pride

My grandparents personally experienced the suffering caused by the Nakba as they hail from Yazur, a village that was located approximately four miles east of the ancient coastal city of Jaffa, now part of of Tel Aviv. Yazur was one of the many villages that were systematically depopulated of their native Palestinian inhabitants during the Zionist forces’ onslaught on the area in 1947 and 1948.

My grandfather had owned and farmed several plots of land in his village and traded citrus fruits. Since Palestine at the time was a predominantly agrarian society, the loss of land entailed more than a loss of territory for him, but also a weakened sense of identity, legacy and pride.

My grandparents were forced to flee Yazur and sought refuge first in the relatively calmer town of Hebron in the West Bank. They were initially under the impression that they would return after a short period of two or three weeks, but later learned that after the establishment of the State of Israel, Palestinian refugees were denied the right to return to their homes. My grandparents eventually settled in Jericho, a West Bank town with a warm climate similar to that of the coast and, like Yazur, famous for its citrus fruits.

My grandfather and his family returned only one time to Yazur — after the 1967 War during which Israel completed its conquest of historic Palestine by occupying the West Bank and Gaza Strip. My family were able to travel their village only as visitors, as all claims to their land and property were not recognized by the Israeli authorities. They found that their homes had been destroyed and replaced by new structures owned by Israelis.

Sorrow

My grandfather fell ill after this trip due to the sorrow and disappointment experienced by witnessing the state of his village. Despite their longing for return, the restrictions on even visiting their home increased immensely after the first and second intifada, and both my grandparents passed away in Jericho never to have lived in Yazur again.

For my grandparents, Ben Gurion’s utterance rang true. Their generation of refugees never returned, and Jaffa and Yazur became a part of Israel. Yet Palestinian steadfastness and attachment to the land from which they were expelled was never conquered despite deliberate Israeli efforts to extinguish them.

Millions of Palestinians in increasing numbers across the world commemorate the Nakba every year on the anniversary of the State of Israel’s founding and hold dearly the Right of Return. Yazur and every other village that was depopulated or demolished is remembered and celebrated.

The campaign of ethnic cleansing that accompanied Israel’s founding made more than half of the total Palestinian population refugees, and the Right of Return thus materialized into an integral and inseparable component of the struggle for liberation and equality.

In fact until justice is achieved, the Right of Return is a central and unshakable component of contemporary Palestinian identity. This inalienable right will thus never be forgotten despite repeated attempts on the part of Israel to obstruct its implementation and prevent its discussion by promoting falsehoods about the origins of the refugee issue.

Action

The Right of Return however, requires a transition from imagination and remembrance — which has generally characterized the discourse so far — towards action. With growing recognition and awareness of the injustices perpetrated against Palestinians, the academic/institutional conversation and examination of the Right must begin to move beyond pointing out the numerous legal and moral justifications for the Return, and instead build plans for practical implementation.

Despite claims to the contrary there are no insurmountable demographic, cultural or spatial obstacles to materializing a Return. This point must be highlighted and used against views that only focus on the obstacles.

Tthe Right of Return Conference will provide a platform for these ideas. The goal is to expand the discourse relating to the Palestinian plight for justice by incorporating the practical methods and implications of Return.

By bringing together leading voices from across the Palestinian Diaspora as well as numerous academics and activists who are instrumental in the global movement for Palestinian rights, we hope to spur new ideas from around the world and create a space for developing the mechanics of the Right of Return’s implementation. We hope the Conference’s output will be an important step in the creation and development of a new narrative that can be used to overcome the political obstacles to Palestinian return, restitution, justice and liberation.

Raed Habayeb is a member of the Right of Return Conference Organizing Committee. He is a MBA student at Boston University and also holds a master’s degree in government and a Bachelor of Science in electrical engineering.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Palestinian Amer Nassar, aged seventeen: A last poem

April 6, 2013

 

Amer Nassar
 

Last night and overnight, two unarmed teenagers, cousins Amer Nassar (17) and Naji Abdul-Karim Balbeisi (18) were shot dead by Israeli Defence Force troops.

The two were from the village of Anabta, near the town of Tulkarm, in Palestine’s West Bank. Tulkarm was founded in the 13th century, its name derived from the Aramaic “Toor Karma” meaning “mount of vineyards.”

Amer died from a bullet in his chest at 22.30 on Wednesday night, according to eye witnesses. Hearing shots, three boys from the village went out and found Amer lying on the ground, with soldiers standing over him. When they tried to reach him, the soldiers opened fire, injuring one, Fadi Abu-A’sr, in the arm, and subsequently hospitalized.

The three say that ambulance crews were prevented from reaching Amer for thirty vital minutes, with threats to shoot anyone attempting to intervene. Deiyaa’ Nasser, who did attempt to reach Amer:“was arrested by the Israeli Army and taken to an unknown location.”

Naji Abdul-Karim Balbisi, was found as dawn broke this morning, lying in a field. He was reported to have been shot from behind.

Tensions have been high in Gaza and the West Bank since the death of Maysara Abu Hamidya in Israel’s Soroko prison on 2nd April. Sixty five year old Abu Hamidya was a former high ranking officer in the Palestinian Authority (PA) prior to his arrest, which took place when the IDA invaded the West Bank, destroying PA Headquarter buildings, in May 2002.

Palestinian authorities have claimed that the prison was withholding treatment for his cancer. On Monday released prisoner Ayman Sharawna alleged that Hamdiya was in a life threatening condition in the prison infirmary – with his hands and feet shackled.

The Director of the Palestinian Prisoner Society has held the Israeli regime fully responsible for his death.

So, as Palestinians mark another onslaught, the massacre in the Jenin refugee camp (April 1st-11th 2002) the mourning, heartbreak, lost lives and lost youth grind on. But so does the spirit, in young and old.

Seventeen year old Amer Nassar left a poem. When others of his age write on Facebook of their dreams, aspirations, exams, plans, dates, travels, on 15th March, his last entry, he wrote (translated):

“Point your bullet where ever you like in my body
I will die today, but my homeland will live tomorrow
Be careful, Palestine is a red line.”


He did not die on March 15th, but just two weeks and three days later, at the hands of “the most moral army” and the “only democracy in the Middle East.”

(The writer is indebted to the resident of Palestine who drew attention to and translated Amer’s poem and to the International Solidarity Movement, for their careful details of another tragedy.)
– Felicity Arbuthnot is a freelance journalist specializing in social and environmental issues with a special knowledge of Iraq.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Has the Arab League Mortally Wounded Itself by Declaring War on Syria?

April 5, 2013

Franklin Lamb
Al-manar
Graphics By alex

The Arab League in Cairo in 1957, after the Suez Crisis. From the left: Syrian President Shukri al-Quwatli, King Husayn of Jordan, King Abdul-Aziz of Saudi Arabia, and Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian President. The League reasserted the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes.
Photo Keystone/HH

 Frankly, it never was much of a “League” of Arab states.And arguably it never really achieved a whole lot but two dozen lavish ‘summits’ offering inflated rhetoric, often calculated to assuage the Arab people about their central cause, Palestine.

This, despite high hopes across Arabia when its founders promulgated a Charter on March 22, 1945 and took a solemn oath to prevent the theft of Palestine by European colonists. Yet, notions of fundamental fairness require that we all acknowledge, that to its credit, the Arab League has tried to achieve a modicum of pan-Arab cooperation on issues involving economic and financial affairs, commercial relations, customs, currency and questions of agriculture and industry, communications including, railroads, roads, aviation, navigation, postal services, cultural affairs, nationality, passports, visas, execution of judgments and extradition of criminals and even a bit regarding social affairs and health issues.

Despite years of pledges to eliminate visas requirements, along the lines of the European Ginga visa it should be noted that only one Arab country has waived visas for their Arab sisters and brothers internationally.

That would be the Syrian Arab Republic.

It is Syria, along with Palestine, out of all the 22 Arab League members, who most consistently and steadfastly have represented Arab Nationalism, Arab resistance to occupation, and the stated goals enunciated 66 years ago when the Arab League was established.

Many are asking why the ‘sanctions of its members-happy’ Arab League consistently fails to act on what is happening in Palestine and why it never has kept its pledge to suspend the AL membership of countries that host Israeli embassies against their people’s will.

There was once upon a time, now appearing far, far, away, that the Arab League countries were trying to achieve the liberation of Palestine. Or so they claimed. Then suddenly, the association morphed into twenty countries claiming to being committed to solving the issues of Palestine and Lebanon. Low and behold it was not so long after that the Arab League became nineteen countries trying to solve the questions of Palestine, Lebanon and Somalia.

How we all change with time. This week, during the 24th “Arab Summit” eleven countries, being pressured by outside interests with hegemonic geopolitical visions for the region, claimed they wanted to solve life’s problems on behalf of the other members.

If there is an Arab summit ten years from now, what will its agenda like?

Nabil al-Arabi

This week the global community saw that the Charter and by-laws of the Arab league has not been respected with respect to the Syrian crisis from the beginning despite its mission to bring together Arabs. Rather it has been actively working to prevent coming together especially with respect to Syria.

The organization was created at the time when a racist Zionist state was considered extremely unlikely by most countries but, to make sure, an association of Arab states was organized to prevent, at all costs, the rumored Zionist project from becoming a reality. The first decision of the newly established League of Arab States was to boycott any Jewish organization that would assistant in the theft of Palestine by the European financed Zionist movement.

صوت ”شخير” مرسي يملئ قاعة مؤتمر القمة العربية وكاد يتسبّب بأزمة !

Today unfortunately, and perhaps fatally for the AL, the complete obverse has obtained. In countless ways the Arab League is supporting the occupation of Palestine, while allowing itself to be preempted and shaped into an instrument of Western foreign policy as it plots against and among its own members their minders behalf. Far removed from its raison d’etre which according to its Charter is to focus on and ensue a coming together of its members, it does everything that would promote the desires of the Zionist occupiers of Palestine while dividing the Arabs and preventing any kind of real union among them.

Much as the USA and its allies have corralled and preempted the UN Security Council, its agents have hijacked the League of Arab states and five other regional organizations. Now in their sites according to congressional source who follows this issue. One international organization that has entered the sights of these western controlled hegemonic forces is the revitalized the Non-aligned Movement (NAM), currently chaired by the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Some Arab League analysts claim that here won’t be much left of the Arab League by 2020. One joke currently making the rounds on Capitol Hill is “Which will implode first, the Arab League or its master, the Zionist occupiers of Palestine?” Answer: “Too close to call.”

Last week in Doha, Qatar, the proceedings amounted to a deep self-inflicted, perhaps fatal, wound for the AL. Its legitimacy unraveled when it essentially declared war on one of its founding members and replaced it with its anointed, funded, staffed, armed, recognized, group with not the faintest pretense of abiding by its Charter including Article VIII, a main pillar of the concept of a League of Arab States:

“Each member-state shall respect the systems of government established in the other member-states and regard them as exclusive concerns of those states. Each shall pledge to abstain from any action calculated to change established systems of government.”

In summary, there is nothing in the Arab League Charter permitting that body to expel or even sanction Syria. In fact, doing so violates the Charter. As seen many times, but recently in Libya, foreign intervention is never humanitarian rather it is always geo-political. Syrians, not by outsiders can best solve its internal problems.

Is it now left to the BRICS states – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa to stand up to the AL and to help halt the conflict in Syria?

 There is growing sentiment in Syria that this group of five emerging powers may become a major hope for the Syrian people that suffer from blatant foreign interference in their affairs and suffering from the Arab League acting against their interests. The AL members who voted to expel or sanction Syria are merely channeling the geo-political interests of the United States and Israel, which are increasingly viewed among the Arab pubic as “unofficial members” of the Arab League.

There is no escaping the fact that the result of the decisions made in Doha is that the Arab League has refused a peaceful settlement for Syria and that the AL recognition of the national coalition as the only legitimate representative of the Syrian people contradicts the Geneva Communique and makes irrelevant, as Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov pointed out this week, the mission of UN and Arab League mediator for Syria, Brahimi. Given that one of the founders of the mandate, the Arab League, proclaims that the national opposition is the only legitimate Government of Syria, advocates and joins in the arming of the forces anointed to oust the regime how can there be negotiations?

This decision to supply arms to the Syrian opposition not only violates international law, but again in the words of Lavrov, “is a blatant encouragement of confrontation of the irreconcilable forces on both sides to make them fight this war to the bitter end.”

Franklin LambFranklin Lamb is doing research in Syria and can be reached c/o fplamb@gmail.com

He is the author of The Price We Pay: A Quarter-Century of Israel’s Use of American Weapons Against Civilians in Lebanon.
He contribute to Uprooted Palestinians Blog
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Source: Al-Manar Website
29-03-2013 – 12:24 Last updated 29-03-2013 – 12:24

 هل انتحرت الجامعة العربية بإعلانها الحرب على سورية؟ .. د. فرنكلين لامب

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بكلّ صراحة، لم تكن تشبه “جامعةً” للدول العربية بأي شكل من الأشكال.

وهي أيضاً لم تحقّق الكثير، بل على العكس فإن “القمم” المترفة، التي يزيد عددها على عشرين قمة، تقدّم الخطاب المضخّم وغالباً ما ترمي حساباتها إلى تحييد الشعب العربي عن قضيته المركزية وهي فلسطين.

وهذا بالرغم من الآمال الكبيرة على امتداد العالم العربي عندما وقّع القيمون عليه ميثاقاً في 22 آذار/ مارس عام 1945 وأقسموا قسماً رسمياً بمنع سرقة فلسطين من قبل المستعمرين الأوروبيين. إلا أن مفاهيم العدالة الأساسية تتطلّب منا أن نقرّ بأن الجامعة العربية، وهذا من إنجازاتها، حاولت تحقيق أقلّ الإنجازات على صعيد التعاون بين الدول العربية في القضايا المتعلقة بالشؤون الإقتصادية والمالية، والعلاقات التجارية، والجمارك والعملات، والأمور الزراعية والصناعية، والمواصلات بما فيها السكك الحديدية والطرقات والطيران والملاحة والخدمات البريدية والشؤون الثقافية، فضلاً عن الجنسية وجوازات السفر وتأشيرات الدخول، بالإضافة إلى تنفيذ الأحكام وتسليم المجرمين، وحتى القليل من الأمور المتعلقة بالشأنين الإجتماعي والصحي.

وبرغم مرور سنين على الوعود بإبطال ضرورة تأشيرات الدخول على غرار تأشيرة الشنغن الأوروبية، تجدر الإشارة إلى أن واحدة فقط من هذه الدول العربية قد تنازلت عن تأشيرة دخول إخوانها وأخواتها العرب على المستوى الدولي.

وهذه الدولة هي الجمهورية العربية السورية.

إنها سورية، إلى جانب فلسطين، من أصل 22 دولة عضو في الجامعة العربية، التي تمثّل بكل ثبات واستمرار القومية العربية والمقاومة العربية للإحتلال والأهداف الموضوعة والمعلنة منذ 66 عاماً، أي منذ تأسيس الجامعة العربية.

وكثيرون هم الذين يسألون لماذا تفشل الدول الأعضاء في الجامعة العربية باستمرار في التصرف حيال ما يحدث في فلسطين، ولماذا لم تفِ أبداً بوعدها بتعليق عضوية الدول التي تستضيف على أراضيها السفارات الإسرائيلية رغماً عن إرادة شعوبها.

ففي يوم من الأيام البعيدة البعيدة، كانت دول الجامعة العربية تحاول تحرير فلسطين. أو ربما زعمت هذه الدول القيام بذلك. وفجأة، أصبحت الجمعية تضمّ 20 دولةً تدّعي التزامها بحلّ قضايا فلسطين ولبنان. وبعد ذلك بقليل أصبحت الجامعة العربية تضمّ 19 دولةً تحاول حلّ قضايا فلسطين ولبنان والصومال.

عجباً كيف نتغيّر كلّنا مع مرور الزمن. فهذا الأسبوع، وخلال “القمة العربية” الرابعة والعشرين التي ضمّت 11 دولةً فقط، والتي تعرّضت لضغوطات مصالح خارجية بالتوازي مع الرؤى الجيوسياسية المهيمنة في المنطقة، زعم المجتمعون أنهم يريدون حلّ مشاكل الحياة بالنيابة عن الأعضاء الآخرين.

فإذا عُقِدت قمّة عربية بعد عشر سنوات من الآن، ماذا سيتضمّن جدول أعمالها؟

وفي هذا الأسبوع أيضاً، ارتأى المجتمع الدولي أن ميثاق الجامعة العربية وقانونها لم يعُد يُحتَرَم أو يطبّق على صعيد الأزمة السورية منذ بدايتها بالرغم من مهمة الجامعة في جمع العرب في ما بينهم. فعلى العكس قامت الجمعة ببذل جهود للحؤول دون اجتماع العرب خصوصاً حول الموضوع السوري.

وهنا تجدر الإشارة إلى أن هذه المنظمة قد أبصرت النور في وقت كانت معظم الدول تكره الدولة الصهيونية العنصرية، ولكن جامعة الدول العربية قد تأسست لمنع المشروع الصهيوني الذي كان يروّج له في ذلك الحين من أن يصبح حقيقة، مهما كلّف الثمن. وكان أول قرارات الجامعة مقاطعة أي منظمة يهودية تساهم في سرقة فلسطين من قبل الحركة الصهيونية الممولة أوروبياً.

أما اليوم ولسوء الحظ، وربما على نحو قاتل للجامعة العربية، تمّ الأمر على أكمل وجه. فالجامعة العربية، بشتّى الطرق، تدعم احتلال فلسطين في وقت تسمح لنفسها بالإستباق والظهور كأنها أداة بيد السياسة الغربية الخارجية التي تحيك المؤامرات ضد أعضائها وبينهم بالنيابة عن مرافقيها. فبعيداً عن سبب وجودها المتمثّل بالتركيز على تكاتف أعضائها، بحسب ميثاق الجامعة، فهي تقوم بكلّ ما يقوي رغبات المحتلين الصهاينة لفلسطين بالتزامن مع تقسيم العرب والحؤول دون أي شكل من الوحدة الحقيقية في ما بينهم.

وبقدر ما حشدت الولايات المتحدة وحلفاؤها لمجلس الأمن الدولي واستبقته، اختطف عملاؤها جامعة الدول العربية وخمس منظمات إقليمية أخرى. وهذا موجود الآن في مواقعهم بحسب ما ذكره مصدر في الكونغرس متابع لهذه القضية. وإحدى هذه المنظمات الدولية التي باتت محطّ أنظار القوى الغربية المهيمنة هي حركة عدم الإنحياز التي ترأسها الجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية في الوقت الراهن.

ويزعم بعض المحللين للجامعة العربية أنه لن يبقى إلا القليل من الجامعة العربية بحلول العام 2020. وفي إحدى الطرائف التي تدور في الكابيتول هيل يُسأل التالي: “ما الذي سينفجر أولا، هل هي الجامعة العربية أم قادتها، المحتلون الصهاينة لأرض فلسطين”؟ أما الجواب فيقول: “الأمران متقاربان”.

وفي الأسبوع الماضي، كانت الإجراءات في الدوحة أقرب إلى الجرح الذاتي أو القاتل بالنسبة للجامعة العربية. فقد تلاشت شرعيتها عندما أعلنت الحرب على أعضائها المؤسسين واستبدلتهم بمجموعتها الممولة والمجهّزة والمسلحة مع انعدام ولو القليل من الإلتزام بميثاقها وضمنه المادة 8 التي تعتبر ركيزة أساسية في مفهوم جامعة الدول العربية وهي تنص على التالي:
“على كل دولة عضو أن تحترم أنظمة الحكومة المؤسسة لدى الدول الأعضاء الأخرى وتعتبرها ضمن الإهتمامات المحصورة ضمن نطاق هذه الدول. وعلى كل دولة أن تتعهد بالإمتناع عن أي عمل يراد منه تغيير النظام في تلك الدول”.

وفي الخلاصة، ما من أمر في ميثاق الجامعة العربية يسمح باستبعاد سورية أو حتى معاقبتها. وفي الواقع، يعدّ القيام بذلك انتهاكاً لميثاقها. وكما رأينا تكراراً، ومؤخراً في ليبيا، فإن التدخل الخارجي ليس إنسانياً أبدا، وهو على العكس من ذلك فهو دائما جيوسياسي. والسوريون يستطيعون حلّ مشاكلهم الداخلية بعيداً عن تدخّل الغرباء.

أما الآن فهل يُترك الأمر لدول البريكس المتمثلة بالبرازيل وروسيا والهند والصين وجنوب أفريقيا للوقوف بوجه الجامعة العربية والمساعدة في حلّ النزاع في سوريا؟ وثمّة شعور متنامٍ في سوريا بأن مجموعة القوى الخمس الصاعدة قد تصبح مصدر أمل حقيقي للشعب السوري الذي عانى من التدخل الخارجي السافر في شؤون بلاده وعانى من قيام الجامعة العربية بما يتنافى ومصالحه. وأعضاء الجامعة العربية الذين صوّتوا لإقصاء سورية أو معاقبتها لا يرسمون إلا المسار الجيوسياسي لمصالح الولايات المتحدة وإسرائيل، اللتان بنظر الرأي العام العربي ليستا إلا “عضوين غير رسميين” في الجامعة العربية.

ليس ثمّة مفرّ من أن نتيجة القرارات المتخذة في الدوحة هي أن الجامعة العربية قد رفضت تسوية سلميّة في سورية. واعتراف الجامعة العربية بأن يكون” الإئتلاف “ممثل شرعي وحيد للشعب السوري يتنافى وبيان جنيف، وينسف مهمّة مبعوث الأمم المتحدة والجامعة العربية إلى سورية الأخضر الإبراهيمي بحسب ما ذكر وزير الخارجية الروسي سيرغي لافروف الأسبوع الماضي. وعلماً أن أحد مؤسسي ذلك، وهي الجامعة العربية، تزعم أن المعارضة الوطنية هي الحكومة الشرعية الوحيدة في سورية، وهي التي تدعو إلى تسليح القوى المعيّنة لإسقاط النظام، كيف يمكن أن تجري مفاوضات حول هذا الموضوع؟ إن هذا القرار القاضي بتزويد المعارضة السورية بالسلاح لا ينتهك القانون الدولي فحسب وإنما مجدداً كما يقول لافروف “هو تشجيع سافر لمواجهة قوات لا يمكن التوفيق بين طرفيها وجعلها تخوض الحرب حتى نهايتها المريرة”.

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ترجمة: زينب عبدالله – المنار

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

ISRAEL EXPOSED

April 4, 2013
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The determining factor in Jewish politics which is causing all this turmoil is not internal to Israel . It is external to Israel . Israel is going through a great instability and a great existential crisis and insecurity for the reason that it is being for the first time threatened in its own existence by the Hizbullah of Lebanon who – not only defeated Israel twice- but has put all of the occupied territories within reach of the missiles of the Resistance . One cannot underestimate such thing . Due to this, Israel has become exposed as a vulnerable country , it has become the paper tiger that it really is . Now Israel cannot coexist with this image; for this reason, it has developed many strategies to deal with this fact . It is trying to acquire a “real identity”- that might be in this instance that of Apartheid- and to come up with a new image altogether which required to coordinate with certain Palestinian groups whose interests and motives and goals happened to intersect with Israel’s interests . Sectarianism is very useful and could help isolate the Resistance and protect Israel like nothing could protect it, and prevent the model of the Lebanese Resistance from pervading the whole Arab world . It is against the armed Resistance of Hizbullah and against Iran that both sectarian Arabs and Palestinians and anti Zionist Zionists have found a common ground.

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Two-state solution is a Zionist solution

April 3, 2013

by Blake Alcott

Wednesday, April 3rd, 2013

two-states-in-Palestine
 
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speak-for-palestine

Many people who support equal rights for Palestinians also support some version of a two-state solution in historic Palestine, or are at least open to the idea of two states side by side. The simple point of this essay is that all two-state solutions are Zionist solutions and should therefore be rejected: if one of the states is Palestine, the other is the existing, ethnocratic Jewish state in Palestine. A Zionist state with everything that entails.

Before 1948 two-state proposals were known as Partition. British Mandatory Palestine was a single political entity, and why break it up? Non-Zionist Jews, Moslems and Christians had lived there together for centuries, and breaking it up could only be to establish a sovereign, ethnically-defined Jewish state peopled mainly by European immigrants. Had indigenous Palestinians been polled, a huge majority would have rejected the preposterous project.

Partition was fact between 1948 and 1967, when the West Bank was part of Jordan and Gaza part of Egypt, but since 1967 one single state is fact. The Zionist state rules over all of Palestine. Two-state advocacy by pro-Palestinians in this context has been an attempt to wrench at least part of Palestine out of the hands of the Jewish state, but leaving the rest either temporarily or permanently Zionist. Two-state advocacy is thus acceptance of the Zionist entity.

The imagined Palestinian state has been shrunken, cut up, and turned into a lot of open-air prisons, leaving the Zionist goal of Eretz Israel from the river to the sea unfulfilled only in its desire to be Araberrein. In recent years, therefore, the main pro-Palestinian argument against the two-state solution has been that no conceivable state is ‘viable’: too small at maximum 15% of Palestine 1947; not contiguous since Gaza and the West Bank are separated and the West Bank itself is an archipelago; without sovereignty over borders, infrastructure and air space; and without al-Quds. A few Bantustans, in short: a bad joke.

But again, there is this second – sufficient, older, and more important – reason against two-states, namely that it cements the fundamental injustice of a Jewish state on Palestinian land.

Tried and tested fighters for Palestinian rights can of course conclude that nothing more is in the cards, or that the costs of more in death and imprisonment are too high. Even as a permanent solution it can be bitterly swallowed while muttering that it is a poor compromise.

There are also those who see the two states as a temporary solution, as a stage in the battle for a single secular, democratic state. Some of these are soft Zionists with great sympathy for Palestinian rights and dignity such as Noam Chomsky, Oren Yiftachel or Charles Manekin. Within this broad tradition are various concepts of confederation or bi-nationalism, often compromising on the Right of Return. Before the colony’s establishment by the UN through Resolution 181 such bi-national thought culminated in 1947 with the concrete proposals of Judah Magnes and the IHUD group.

However plausible such indirect, complicated scenarios may or may not be, they all at least initially embrace the second of the two states – the Zionist one. Its injustices remain: its racist definition of itself, its apartheid, its continuing ethnic cleansing, and its rejection of the Right of Return. In other words, since agreeing to two states means recognising the Jewish state, it means accepting these injustices. As Amos Oz said, two states means ‘offering Israel the security guarantees it will need in return for renouncing the occupied territories.’ This, probably, is to chisel Israel in stone.

Statehood bids such as are now underway do not, strictly speaking, imply a two-state solution. They can be tactics for increased dignity, access to international courts, and in general the chance to fight as a formally equal state. As long as such a strategy avoids recognition of Israel and doesn’t compromise on the Right of Return, it can remain in rejection of two-state solutions.

Otherwise, the danger is that a recognised Zionist state would be even harder to bring to the negotiating table than the unrecognised, increasingly shunned one we now have to work on. If so, accepting two states would be a shot in the foot.

Of course this second, Zionist state, on 85 or 90% of historic Palestine, could transform itself in the direction of citizenship and equality for all residents – with a lot of encouragement from boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS). It would give up its ‘Jewish’ adjective and become a standard-issue democracy. But if the first, smaller, non-Jewish state were also secular and democratic, what would speak against merging them forthwith, ending Partition? We might as well have gone straight for one good state in the first place, one that moreover would finally bring security to Jewish Palestinians.

If you answer ‘Yes’ to two questions, you have embraced one state rather than two: Should Israel-the-existing-state be transformed into a real democracy? Should Palestinian refugees’ right to return be honored 100%? If this is your stance, partition on ethnic lines makes no sense.

If this argument for the older, simpler anti-Zionist position has any merit, the neutral position in the one-state/two-states debate of organisations like BDS, the British PSC (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) and JfJfP (Jews for Justice for Palestinians) is actually pro-Zionist by virtue of its openness to a lingering or even eternal Jewish state. These groups join the Quartet (Russia, US, EU and UN) and a large part of the PA (Palestinian Authority) in countenancing, in principle, a racist state on land belonging to other people.

It by the way seems to me a disservice to the memory and honour of the African National Congress when organisations that are neutral on this question and thus open to a Zionist state hold up the South African struggle as their template. The ANC did not entertain thoughts of partition. It had a simple, human-rights message.

Anything but blanket rejection of two states is moreover a diversion that strengthens the dominant discourse of ‘occupation’ in 1967 terms. This discourse diverts our attention not only from the apartheid and ethnic cleansing of the remaining Zionist state, but also from a deeper, oroginal root: the murders, expulsions and land theft since 1948 coupled with prohibition of return.

The Right of Return, enshrined in UN General Assembly Resolution 194, illustrates the problem. Unless the envisioned two-state solution (somehow) accomodates ROR it contradicts the aim of upholding Palestinians’ rights. ROR is the sine qua non of any vision of justice. I believe, moreover, that it should be envisioned concretely. The land or homes to be returned to are or were in what is officially now Israel. The numbers of refugees with the Right are so high that there is no room for them in the archipelago that would be passing itself off as Palestine. Therefore any one-state solution that recognises both the ROR and the right of Jewish immigrants to remain should be marked by extremely tough bargaining on behalf of the refugees’ rights.

The Right of Return for those now outside historic Palestine is the third of the three goals of the 2005 call to boycott and ostracise Israel sent out by around 170 Palestinian NGOs. The other two goals aim at justice for Palestinians in areas occupied in 1967 and for Palestinians with Israeli citizenship. While to me it is clear that a single, democratic state follows logically from these three BDS goals, BDS and other mainstream pro-Palestinian groups remain contradictorily open to two states.

Again, one can assume that an Israel that grants or is forced to accept ROR is a state ready to join the ranks of normal, nominally equitable states – rendering superfluous any talk of two states. And we should reject proposals like that of Daniel Gavron and some Palestinians to create one state but only after dropping both ROR and Israel’s Law of Return which grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere. No solution is fair that cements the disenfranchised, insulted status of the millions of ethnically cleansed.

Time might lead us to the ‘best bad’ solution of two states, but it is dumb to compromise even before coming to the table. At the moment, from my perspective of someone who would not be entitled to vote in a single, human-rights-based state, but who does his bit to influence pro-Zionist governments to change their minds, I feel the need for a vision that is both clear and inspiring. Two-state proposals are never clear and, because they are Zionist, not inspiring.

Thus, if only for practical reasons, the pro-Palestinian organisations mentioned above might want to abandon their ‘neutral’ – and complicated, and pro-Zionist – positions in favour of a vision that can captivate world opinion. It is time for BDS, PSC and dozens of other groups to reject partition and support Palestinians and Jewish Israelis who support the 1960s PLO stance for one democratic state. Put bluntly, unless BDS gets off the one-state/two-state fence it is not formulating clear conditions for calling off the boycott.

We can call the two-state solution ‘dead’ because of the absurdity of Palestine-Lite, but we can also wish its death because of the immorality of Zionism. This essay has argued that yes, statelets presently envisioned as Palestinian are to be rejected because they lack size, continguity, sovereignty and al-Quds. But bigger and better ones, as well, would leave the Zionism problem unsolved. To be for two states in Palestine is to be for… two states. One of them is Zionist.

But not only by this process of elimination do we arrive at One Democratic State. The vision is positive: One person, one vote within a constitution protecting human rights – if necessary with some bi-national safeguards – in a country where people, history, economics and meaning are mixed together anyway.


River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Weekly report on israel’s terrorism against the State of Palestine

March 29, 2013

PCHR Weekly Report: 4 wounded, 30 abducted by Israeli troops this week

author Friday March 29, 2013 02:33author by PCHR Gaza
 
FULL REPORT

In its Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories for the week of 21- 27 March 2013, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) found that Israeli forces continued to use excessive force against peaceful protests in the West Bank. 4 protesters were wounded in the center and south of the West Bank, including a Norwegian human rights defender and a Palestinian one.

Trucks stopped at Beit Hanoun crossing, which was closed by Israeli forces this week (PCHR photo)
Trucks stopped at Beit Hanoun crossing, which was closed by Israeli forces this week (PCHR photo)
In addition, Israeli forces conducted 37 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. 26 Palestinian civilians, including 6 children, were abducted in the West Bank, and a Palestinian child was abducted while attempting to cross the borders into Israel in the Gaza Strip. 3 Palestinian children were abducted at checkpoints.

The Israeli forces closed Karm Abu Salem and Beit Hanoun (Eirez) crossings into the Gaza Strip for seven consecutive days.

Israeli attacks in the West Bank:

During the reporting period, the Israeli forces wounded 4 protestors, including a Norwegian human rights defender and member of the board of directors of Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center, in the West Bank.

During the reporting period, the Israeli forces continued to systematically use excessive force against peaceful protests organized by Palestinians and Israeli and international activists against the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities in the West Bank and other protests in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike in the Israeli jails. As a result, dozens of protesters suffered from tear gas inhalation and other sustained bruises.

During the reporting period, the Israeli forces conducted at least 37 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. During these incursions, the Israeli forces abducted at least 26 Palestinians, including 6 children. In one example of this week’s 37 incursions, on Wednesday, 27 March 2012, at approximately 01:00, the Israeli forces moved into Hebron. They raided and searched a number of houses and abducted 3 civilians affiliated with Hamas movement and a Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) member.

The Israeli forces have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians throughout the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip continue to be denied access to Jerusalem.

The Israeli forces established dozens of checkpoints in the West Bank.

Israeli attacks in the Gaza Strip:

The Israeli forces have continued to attack the Palestinian fishermen in the sea. Israeli forces fired at Palestinian fishing boats, but no casualties were reported. The Israeli forces reduced the allowed fishing area to 3 nautical miles. PCHR’s fieldworkers documented 4 shooting incidents on Palestinian fishing boats that were sailing 3 nautical miles off al-Waha resort, northwest of Beit Lahia in the north of the Gaza Strip. As a result of the attacks, the fishermen were obliged to flee back to the shore fearing of being wounded or abducted. However, neither casualties nor material damage were reported.

It should be noted that on Thursday, 21 March 2013, the Israeli forces announced reducing the allowed fishing area from 6 to 3 nautical miles. Israel had allowed the Palestinian fishermen to sail 6 nautical miles off the Gaza Strip’s shore following the cease-fire agreement between Hamas and Israel last November.

In the Gaza Strip, on 24 March 2013, the Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of al-Musaddar village to east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, abducted Zeyad Sami Abu Ghuraba, 17, from al-Mussader village, when he attempted to cross the border into Israel.

In the Gaza Strip, the Israeli forces continued to chase the Palestinian fishermen in the sea. PCHR’s fieldworkers documented 4 shooting incidents on Palestinian fishing boats that were sailing 3 nautical miles off al-Waha resort, northwest of Beit Lahia in the north of the Gaza Strip. As a result of the attacks, the fishermen were obliged to flee back to the shore fearing of being wounded or abducted. However, neither casualties nor material damage were reported.

It should be noted that on Thursday, 21 March 2013, the Israeli forces announced reducing the allowed fishing area from 6 to 3 nautical miles. Israel allowed the Palestinian fishermen to sail 6 nautical miles off the Gaza Strip’s shore following the cease-fire agreement between Hamas and Israel last November.

The illegal Israeli-imposed closure of the Gaza Strip, which has steadily tightened since June 2007, has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip. The illegal closure has caused not only a humanitarian crisis, but a crisis of human rights and human dignity for the population of the Gaza Strip. Recently-declared measures to ease the closure are vague, purely cosmetic and fail to deal with the root causes of the crisis; the root causes can only be addressed by an immediate and complete lifting of the closure, including lifting the travel ban into and out of the Gaza Strip and the ban on exports. Palestinians in Gaza may no longer suffer from the same shortage of goods but, as long as the closure is allowed to continue, they will remain economically dependent, unable to care for themselves, and socially, culturally and academically isolated from the rest of the world.

During the reporting period, the Israeli forces completely closed the commercial border crossings between the Gaza Strip and Israel. They closed Karm Abu Salem crossing from Sunday, 24 March 2013 – Wednesday, 27 March 2013, because of the Jewish holidays. This closure negatively affected the entry of goods, construction materials and medical consignments in the Gaza Strip. It also had a negative impact on the living conditions of the Palestinian civilians. The Israeli forces also imposed comprehensive security restrictions due to the Jewish Holiday of Passover. As a result, dozens of thousands of Palestinian workers were denied access to their work in Israel and occupied East Jerusalem. Moreover, the Palestinian traders were denied access to Israel and/or travel via the border crossings between the Gaza Strip and West Bank.

Israeli settlement activities:

The Israeli forces have continued settlement activities in the West Bank, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.

On 21 March 2013, dozens of settlers, coming from a number of settlement outposts established in the center of the old city of Hebron in the center of the town, erected big tents and amusement park games in the Ibrahimi Mosque’s garden in the center of the old city, for celebrations of the Jewish holiday, Passover.

On the same day, Israeli forces started bulldozing tracts of land of approximately 550 dunums in area, belonging to members of Salah family in Batten al-Ma’si area, southern of al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. The Israeli forces issued a decision two months ago ordering that 114 settlement units be built in the area in order to expand “Tel Hitamar” settlement outpost, established on lands of al-Khader village.

On 22 March 2013, Israeli forces issued a decision confiscating approximately 3 dunums of the lands of al-Jalama village, northern Jenin, approximate to the commercial crossing between the West Bank and Israel, under pretext of expanding the crossing and also for security necessities. The land is the property of Saleh Abu-Farha.

On 23 March 2013, Israeli forces, accompanied by military vehicles, raided the agricultural lands surrounding “Susiya” settlement, established on Palestinian civilians’ lands eastern of Yatta, southern of Hebron. The soldiers were deployed in the area and banned Palestinian farmers from accessing their lands under pretext that these areas are closed military zones. The Israeli forces assaulted Palestinian civilians after they refused to leave their lands, and abducted one of them.

On the same day, a number of settlers from “Havat Gilad” settlement outpost, established on Palestinian civilians’ lands western of Nablus, gathered by Nablus – Qalqilya road. The settlers threw stones at Palestinian vehicles as they were passing by the aforementioned road.

On Sunday, 24 March 2013, dozens of settlers, coming from a number of settlement outposts established in the center of the old city of Hebron, central Hebron, raised Israeli flags on historical monuments and ancient ruins in the old city as well as al-Sahla, al-Shuhada Street and the Ibrahimi Mosque’s playground.

On Sunday, 24 March 2013, the Israeli authorities issued a military decision ordering that dozens of dunums in Kherbat al-Dair area, southwestern of Bethlehem, be confiscated. The goal of the confiscation of these lands is for the construction of 70 new housing units, in order to link “Betar Illit” settlement, established on lands of Housan, Nahalin and Foukein valley villages, to “Jfot” settlement, which would lead to an almost comprehensive closure of the village, depriving dozens of families from accessing their agricultural lands in Kherbat al-Dair area.

On 26 March 2013, the Israeli forces prohibited Palestinian civilians from reconstructing the eastern entrance to Yatta village, south of Hebron, which is linked to bypass road (60), under pretext that it falls under area (C) which goes under Israeli jurisdiction according to the Oslo Accords of 1993 and it is forbidden to make any changes in these areas without obtaining prior permission from the concerned Israeli authorities.

Israeli attacks on non-violent demonstrations:

Following the Friday Prayer on 22 March 2013, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in Bil’ein village, west of Ramallah, in protest to the construction of the annexation wall and in solidarity with the prisoners on hunger strike inside Israeli jails. The demonstration was held in commemoration of Mohammed ‘Assfour, who had died of his wounds, sustained on 22 January 2013 in the clashes between Palestinian civilians and the Israeli forces at the eastern entrance of ‘Aboud village, on 07 March 2013. The demonstrators marched in the streets of the village, chanting slogans calling for national unity. The protesters aimed to stress the need to adhere to national principles and the right of return, to resist the occupation and to call for the release of all Palestinian prisoners. The protesters raised Palestinian flags and pictures of prisoners and made their way towards the lands adjacent to the annexation wall. The Israeli forces closed all ways and entrances to the village since early morning hours, to prevent Palestinians, journalists and international activists from joining the protest. The protesters raised Palestinian flags and made their way towards the wall. They called through megaphones for Israeli settlers in “Mitityahu” settlement to leave Palestinian land. Israeli soldiers stationed in the area fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the demonstrators. As a result, Norwegian solidarity activist, Harold Hawka, 64, was hit by a tear gas canister to the right leg, and dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises.

Also following the Friday Prayer, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in Ne’lin village, west of Ramallah, in protest at the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities. The demonstrators moved towards areas of the annexation wall. Immediately, Israeli soldiers stationed in the area fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the demonstrators. As a result, dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises.

Around the same time on Friday, 22 March 2013, dozens of Palestinian civilians and Israeli and international human rights defenders gathered in the Martyrs Square in Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah, to organize a weekly peaceful protest against the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities and in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners inside Israeli jails. The protesters walked towards the gate erected by Israeli forces near the entrance of the village, which leads to Palestinian lands that Israeli settlers from the nearby “Halmish” settlement are trying to seize. Israeli soldiers fired live and rubber-coated bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protesters. As a result, dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises.

Following the Friday Prayer, dozens of Palestinian civilians from ‘Aboud village, international and Israeli human rights gathered in the center of ‘Aboud village, northwest of Ramallah, for a demonstration in protest to the construction of the wall, settlement activity and in solidarity with prisoners on hunger strike inside Israeli jails. The demonstrators marched in the streets of the village, raised the flag of Palestine and headed towards the western entrance of the village, approximate to the annexation wall. The demonstrators threw stones and empty bottles at the Israeli forces, who were deployed at the entrance of the village and across the adjacent settlers street. In response, the forces fired live bullets, rubber-coated metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs at the demonstrators, sprinkled them with waste water and chased them inside of the village. As a result, two Palestinian civilians sustained wounds, and others suffered tear gas inhalation; others sustained bruises. The wounds’ of the two civilians were as follows: the first, a 25-year-old civilian sustained a bullet wound to the chest; and the second, a 31-year-old civilian sustained three bullet wounds in both legs.

At approximately 12:15 on Friday, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in the center of Kufor Kadoum village, northeast of Qalqilya, in protest to the continuous closure of the eastern entrance of the village since the outbreak of al-Aqsa Intifada. The demonstrators chanted against the occupation and raised flags before the Israeli forces, who unusually, did not fire any sound bombs or tear gas canisters. The demonstrators found a number of ambushes set by the Israeli forces to arrest them, as a number of Israeli soldiers hid behind bushes and between houses. The demonstration ended at approximately 14:00; no abductions were reported.

At approximately 13:00 on Thursday, 22 March 2013, dozens of Palestinian civilians, activists of the Popular Committees against Settlement Activity and the Hebron Defense Committee and international human rights activists gathered in al-Haraiek area, southeast of Hebron, for a peaceful demonstration calling for opening the route linking Hebron to it southern villages, which has been closed for the past 12 years. These villages are, al-Rayhia, al-Thaheria, Doura and al-Fawar Refugee Camp. Upon their arrival to the steel gate which closes the road leading to bypass road (60), the Israeli forces surrounded the area and declared it a closed military zone, ordering the demonstrators to leave immediately. The soldiers fired tear gas canisters and sound bombs at the demonstration. A number of protesters fainted as a result of tear gas inhalation. As a result, Amin Abdel-Majid Ahmed al-Bayed, 50, was hit by a tear gas canister to the right side of his face; the canister was shot by an Israeli soldier from a distance of less than 30 meters, this resulted in damaging the bones of his jaw. Mr. al-Bayed was evacuated al-Ahly Hospital in Hebron where he underwent three surgeries, it should also be mentioned that he is a board member of Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center (JLAC). In his testimony to a PCHR fieldworker, Mr. al-Bayed said, “We went to al-Haraiek area to participate in the weekly demonstration demanding that the routes, closed by cement blocks and steel gates, be opened. We were surprised to find a large unit of the Israel forces stationed in the area. These forces started to fire tear gas canisters and sound bombs indiscriminately at us and the civilian houses in the area. In the meantime, I was standing close to the scene and an Israeli soldier was standing less than 30 meters from me. When I looked at him, he fired a tear gas canister directly at me and it hit me in the jaw and I fell to the ground. I was taken via a private car to al-Ahly Hospital in Hebron for treatment, where I underwent three surgeries because I sustained damages to the arteries and the jaw bones.”

At noon on Friday, 22 March 2013, dozens of Palestinian civilians and dozens of prisoners’ families demonstrated in front of “Ofer” prison, southwest of Ramallah, in solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike. The demonstration moved towards the prison gate. The Israeli forces closed the gate before the demonstrators could enter and started shooting live fire, rubber-coated metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs at them. As a result, dozens of civilians suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises after being severely beaten.

Also following the Friday Prayer, dozens of Palestinian boys and teenagers gathered near the annexation wall, established on the southern side of Beit Loqia village, southwest of Ramallah. The demonstrators threw stones at the Israeli soldiers stationed behind the wall, who in response fired rubber-coated metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs at them and chased them across the olive fields. As a result, a number of Palestinian civilians suffered from tear gas inhalation; others sustained bruises.

Following the Friday Prayer on 15 March 2013, dozens of Palestinian civilians gathered in Um Rokba area, at the southwestern entrance of al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, for a demonstration in solidarity with the prisoners inside Israeli prisons. The demonstrators set fire to rubber tires and threw stones at the Israeli forces stationed at the aforementioned entrance. Immediately, the Israeli forces fired tear gas canisters and sound bombs at the demonstration and civilian houses; as a result, some fainted due to tear gas inhalation. Also, Israeli soldiers used the roofs of a number of civilian houses in the area as military watchtowers.

Recommendations to the international community:

Due to the number and severity of Israeli human rights violations this week, the PCHR made several recommendations to the international community. Among these were a recommendation that the international community act in order to stop all Israeli settlement expansion activities in the West Bank through imposing sanctions on Israeli settlements and criminalizing trading with them.

The PCHR calls upon the UN General Assembly to transfer the Goldstone Report to the UN Security Council in order to refer it to the International Criminal Court in accordance with Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Occupation is Ugly

March 29, 2013

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!